A bumper crop of ethics allegations during the current 119th Congress is contributing to record approval numbers for Congress this cycle. Three members of Congress have already resigned this term — some waiting months after credible allegations surfaced. More need to go.
Every time you get 535 people together, someone somewhere will do something stupid. But the public deserves faster and stronger action when their representatives behave badly. Delayed action undermines public confidence. While every American has the right to due process, with elected officials in Congress, this must happen faster.
The public shouldn’t have to wait for a scandal-ridden lame-duck term. Congress must act with greater urgency when trust is breached. Voters deserve a quick special election in which they can immediately choose a replacement.
Delayed action only fuels the perception that the government is manipulated and unresponsive. Approval ratings for Congress are in the basement, with Gallup’s April poll showing just 10% approving while 86% disapprove. This is a direct threat to the legitimacy of Congress. Accountability must be real and not performative.
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Three members of the House of Representatives have already resigned — Rep. Eric Swalwell, D-Calif., Rep. Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick, D-Fla., and Rep. Tony Gonzales, R-Texas — but those resignations came only after intense public pressure, and not through a routine process. Under a cloud of credible accusations, a number of representatives continue to serve.
In the case of Cherfilus-McCormick, voters were effectively disenfranchised for five months after their representative was indicted for fraud. The first references date back even further. Meanwhile, she retained her full voting rights, committee assignments, salary, staff and benefits. A presumptive deportation would have to follow a federal indictment. Instead we got delays due to political influence.
The problem does not go away. With $7 trillion flowing out the door every year, Congress is a magnet for people who can easily be endangered by power. Plus, Capitol Hill is teeming with twenty-somethings who are young, talented, and hungry. Some of these can easily be taken advantage of in uneven power dynamics.
When I was first elected to the House of Representatives, I really thought we all wanted the same thing, but we had different ways to get there. I left knowing that this is truly a battle between good and evil, taking place under the hot lights of Congress.
When I was first elected to the House of Representatives, I really thought we all wanted the same thing, but we had different ways to get there. I left knowing that this is truly a battle between good and evil, taking place under the hot lights of Congress.
I noted that about a third of the representatives in Congress are really there to do the right thing. They wake up every day and look for ways to solve problems. Another third rings it up – harmless, but ineffective. But the latter group, in my opinion, is there to line their own pockets or serve someone other than their constituents.
I appreciate the work of the bipartisan House Ethics Committee, which has its hands full. With an equal number of Democrats and Republicans, the committee is less driven by partisanship than other committees.
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However, because the balance of power is so tight, this forced dismissal is partly made possible by the even number of offenders from each party. The process is not entirely driven by justice. It’s still about political power.
Congress must implement faster processes to act as a deterrent. Clear triggers — such as an automatic review by the Ethics Subcommittee within 30 days of an Office of Congressional Conduct referral or a federal indictment — could coexist with due process.
A presumptive suspension of committee assignments or votes on important matters would protect institutional integrity without presuming guilt. Special elections could come sooner, giving more power to voters rather than isolating incumbents.
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Elected officials hold power in trust, not as a personal right. The Constitution explicitly grants each chamber the power to discipline its members, including expulsion. There is no requirement for glacial timelines.
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Certainly, representatives are innocent until proven guilty. But a public office is not a courtroom. Voters are still entitled to timely, functional representation. Long-term services do not so much protect the innocent, but rather the politically connected.
The American people fund this government and give it power. We should not have to beg for basic integrity, especially from those who have sworn an oath to uphold it.
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Congress must choose: stick with slow-motion self-protection or deliver the swift, credible accountability that voters have every right to.
The health of our republic depends on making the right choice.
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