We are two Democrats who support President Donald Trump’s withdrawal of Nicolás Maduro from Venezuela. Currently, most prominent Democrats in public life are strongly opposed and generally embrace the idea that Congress should have first been consulted — or even voted on — on the extraction plan. How such a process could have led to a second Bay of Pigs disaster was missing from the explanations we saw.
We agree with public opinion on all sides that the military attack itself was extraordinary, a tribute to the skill, training and courage of our military service members. No other army in the world, except ours, could have accomplished this.
While we strongly believe that a healthy democracy requires a loyal opposition that competes with the opposing party, we are not Democrats who reflexively oppose the incumbent Trump administration.
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Like most other Democrats and many Republicans, we are also concerned that Maduro loyalists could remain in power and that commercial interests could override the fundamental goals of democratization and human rights protection.
But let’s look at the facts: Maduro was an exceptionally bad actor, even among murderous tyrants who claimed to be socialist collectivists. Maduro’s rule posed major problems for the United States, not only as a conduit for the flow of illegal drugs into this country, but also as an active ally of Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, and the Cuban communist regime.
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Most importantly, Maduro is not a legitimately elected leader. Last year, he stole the presidential election in broad daylight, killing hundreds and jailing thousands, despite the Biden administration’s decision to ease sanctions in the hope that Maduro would leave Venezuela with a few billion dollars stolen from his own people.
The Maduro regime was not recognized by Trump during his first term, nor by President Biden during his first term, nor by the European Union. Maduro’s socialist policies not only led to the irrational destruction of Venezuela’s only lucrative export, oil, but also drove eight million Venezuelans into exile.
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Nicolás Maduro had several options to resign, but refused them all. Now he will likely spend his remaining days in a US prison.
Instead of reflexively opposing everything President Trump does, Democrats should follow the example of the late Senator Sam Nunn, who offered qualified support for the invasion of Panama and the arrest of its leader, Manuel Noriega.
However, Senator Nunn also warned that the US must avoid becoming a ‘permanent occupying power’, both in reality and in perception, to avoid anti-American reactions.
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Today, the best way to avoid the backlash Nunn feared is for the US to promote a smooth transition to democracy and respect for the will of the Venezuelan people.
And while this seems to indicate that María Corina Machado will be elevated to the presidency, given the uncertainty of the situation, we prefer new elections under international and American supervision.
Without taking anything away from Machado – whose alternate candidate, Edmundo González, reportedly won the 2024 elections with an estimated two-thirds of the vote after the ban on her candidacy – this would simply give her or any other candidate the opportunity to reaffirm their mandate as the will of the people.
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Which brings us to the point where we most disagree with the Trump administration: its strategy to govern Venezuela through the current vice president, Delcy Rodríguez.
As Maduro’s second-in-command, Rodríguez represents the old order with a new face, and she has already voiced her objection to Maduro’s arrest. What Venezuela needs is an orderly process to build a new government – one that enjoys popular support, protects free markets and accelerates the country’s democratization.
Ultimately, it should be possible for Democrats to hold two thoughts in their heads at the same time. Yes, removing Maduro poses unique challenges, and there is no guarantee that Venezuela will become a liberal democracy.
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But it is also true that removing him sends a message to the supporters of freedom in Latin America and around the world – especially to Iran – that the United States is committed to the democratic process, free elections, free market capitalism and liberal democracy itself.
Democrats should applaud that — and the commander in chief who ordered the mission.
Douglas Schoen and Robert Green, through their firm Penn, Schoen and Berland, served as pollsters for Súmate, the anti-Chávez movement founded during the administration of former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. In addition, partners Mark Penn and Doug Schoen, through their firm, served two former Venezuelan presidents as pollsters and advisors prior to the rise of Hugo Chávez.
In addition, Schoen is the author of the 2009 book “The Threat Closer to Home” about Venezuela.
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