The key moments of last week’s Trump-Xi summit did not take place at South Korea’s Gimhae International Airport. Statements about “stabilizing relations” and “reducing tensions” were predictable, almost perfunctory.
The real story unfolded in the weeks leading up to the summit – in the choreography, the spectacle and the undeniable assertion of US power in the Indo-Pacific. By the time Xi Jinping sat across from Donald Trump, he was meeting with an American president who had already reaffirmed America’s military superiority in the region, reaffirmed its alliances and reminded Beijing that the United States remains the indispensable power in the Pacific.
In the days before the summit, Trump made a series of moves that amounted to a strategic message. When reporters aboard Air Force One asked about Taiwan, he simply replied, “There’s not much to ask about it.” Taiwan is Taiwan.”
The comment – off-the-cuff but unmistakable in meaning – pushed back against speculation that his administration would soften the issue in pursuit of a grand deal with Beijing. Trump’s statement told Xi that the United States would not trade the foundation of East Asian stability for a better trade deal. Since 1979, US policy towards Taiwan has rested on strategic ambiguity – but Trump’s formulation undoubtedly underlined deterrence.
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Then came a tangible demonstration of alliance power. The Trump administration announced a new partnership with a leading South Korean shipbuilder to co-produce nuclear-powered submarines and expand the capacity of U.S. shipyards — a deal expected to bring billions of dollars in investment and jobs to U.S. facilities including in Philadelphia and along the Gulf Coast.
For all the rhetoric about “America First,” in practice this was alliance diplomacy: merging allied industrial bases to strengthen deterrence. At a time when China is expanding the U.S. Navy at a breathtaking pace, the US-ROK shipbuilding initiative signals that Washington is no longer content with outsourcing maritime capabilities to its competitors.
Equally deliberate was Trump’s decision to post on Truth Social about nuclear weapons testing — announcing that the United States would resume limited testing to ensure readiness. The statement was a direct response to China’s accelerated nuclear expansion.
The Pentagon’s 2024 China Military Power Report estimated that Beijing had surpassed 600 operational warheads and was rapidly expanding its missile forces and fissile material production capacity. In recent years, satellite images and open-source reporting have also suggested that China may be preparing renewed activity at its Lop Nur nuclear test site, reinforcing concerns that Beijing is moving toward a more aggressive testing posture.
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In that context, Trump’s post was less provocative than a deterrent signal — a reminder that the US will not allow the nuclear credibility balance to go unchallenged. The move sparked controversy but achieved its goal: It reassured allies and warned adversaries that U.S. nuclear deterrence is not theoretical.
Perhaps the clearest expression of this attitude came two days before the summit aboard the USS George Washington. Standing next to the Japanese Prime Minister on the deck of the aircraft carrier, President Trump declared that “the American military will win every time.” The audience was not voters in the United States. The message was addressed to Xi Jinping, the People’s Liberation Army and US allies watching in the Indo-Pacific.
With the Japanese Prime Minister at his side – who described the aircraft carrier as a “symbol of the protection of freedom and peace in this region” – the moment projected Allied unity and deterrent determination. It was both a visual and a verbal message: the United States and its partners were winning again, and Beijing should recalibrate its assumptions accordingly.
Taken together — Taiwan’s declaration, South Korea’s shipbuilding agreement, the nuclear test station and the aircraft carrier speech — the president’s actions shaped the summit before it even began.
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These were not the actions of a president who declared a detente with Beijing. They told Xi that the United States would not appear as a supplicant seeking stability at any cost, nor should America First be interpreted as “America Alone” retreating to the Western Hemisphere.
Instead, President Trump placed himself at the helm of an American-led order in the Indo-Pacific, in which the two most important allies – Japan and South Korea – play a leading role. His message was not isolation but orchestration: America’s strength is strengthened through partnership.
This approach marks an evolution from President Trump’s first term, when “burden sharing” often meant eyebrow-raising allies. Now his focus is on empowerment – accelerating allied shipbuilding, missile defense and joint exercises.
The pleasantries of the summit – calls for dialogue and vows to “manage competition responsibly” – mattered less than the backdrop: a US president strengthening alliances, expanding shipbuilding and exuding confidence from “100,000 tons of diplomacy” – the deck of an aircraft carrier.
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President Trump will return to Beijing in April for a follow-up summit with Xi – a test of whether his current stance holds. As any student of The Art of the Deal knows, Trump’s instinct is to maximize influence before negotiating.
The handshake between Trump and Xi reflected that dynamic: a confident Trump leaning into Xi, knowing that weeks of American maneuvering had strengthened the American hand in its competitive battle with China. Whether that grab represents a continued commitment to leadership in the Indo-Pacific or just a pause before the next deal remains to be seen.
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