President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will meet in the White House on Monday. One of the most difficult questions on the table is what Gaza could look like without Hamas.
John Hannah, a senior fellow at the Jewish Institute for National Security of America (Jinsa) and veteran of both Republican and Democratic administrations, said that building an alternative to Hamas should take place parallel to dismantle it.
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Hamas terrorists come from the shade while they surround Red Cross vehicles. (TPS IL)
“A part of how you win is to show that there is a feasible alternative,” said Hannah. “People must see that there is a future outside of Hamas”
That future, experts believe, lies in a non-Hamas-Technocratic government of Palestinians who are not affiliated with Hamas or the PLO supported by a coalition of important Arab states, including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan and the VAE.
“Although a new government in Gaza should be independent, a symbolic link to the Palestinian authority could improve its legitimacy with the Arabs. Perhaps Ramallah could serve as a passage for paying salaries. But the PA will not call the shots,” said Hannah.
“The standard setting at the moment, when Israel leaves Gaza, is Hamas,” said Ghaith al-Omari, senior fellow at the Washington Institute for near East Policy. “There is no one on the ground who can challenge them. And there is no Arabic involvement without the defeat of Hamas. Not just a cease -the fire -actual disarmament.”
Palestinians wear bags and boxes with food and humanitarian auxiliary packages delivered by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a US-supported organization, in Rafah, Southern Gaza Strip, June 16, 2025. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana)
In the best case, al-Oomari said, who served as the former executive director of the American Task Force on Palestine, the PA can offer a “kosher stamp” to make Arab states satisfied, who have made it clear that they will only intervene in Gaza under a Palestinian national umbrella.
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“Without that symbolic PA invitation, Egypt and others will not come in,” said Al-Omari. “But they still need a political framework-very dedication to a two-state solution. Without that they have absolutely no incentive to play a role in Gaza.”
“Something like what exists on the western Jordoever – buffer zones, perimeter protection and the right of the IDF or Shin Bet to act on intelligence when needed,” said Hannah.
IDF forces work in Rafah, in the Gaza Strip. (IDF spokesperson for the spokesperson)
That framework would, noted, require intensive diplomacy led by America with persistent presence and coordination.
“I can’t see anyone but the United States who are doing his too much rivalry between the Arabia,” said Hannah, “no other actor has the relationships, resources or confidence needed to bridge the deep gap between Israel, Arab states and international players.
“Qatar is the elephant in the room,” said Hannah, “they bring a lot of much needed money, but they have had a deeply problematic relationship with Hamas. If they want a chair at the table, it must strict his money that flows through trusted, externally controlled channels. But they can be an important player in this effort.”
The United Nations are now largely off. “The days of UNRWA are over,” said Hannah. “They cannot follow education or the economy in Gaza. At most, the UN can endorse a US Arab-Israeli plan with a resolution of the Safety Council but they will not play an operational role.”
A piece of visual material published by the Israel Defense Force reportedly shows Hamas fighters who fire weapons from the UNRWA compound entrance. (IDF)
American veterans attacked, injured during the distribution of help in Gaza with a group supported by the US
A proposal that gets a calm traction in Israeli and American circles is the idea to enable local clans to determine self -management enclaves.
Joseph Braude, president of the Center for Peace Communications, has spoken extensively with activists on the spot and believes that this model could mark the start of an alternative.
“It may not be realistic to talk about a civil administration that now manages very Gaza,” said Braude, “but in discreet geographical enclaves in the strip, you can control non-Hamas.
“There is a fiber of well -trained, socially minded individuals in Gaza – from engineers to teachers – who are not Islamists,” he added, “if they are well -examined, they can manage administration, education and basic services. But you have to start identifying who they are and what they actually believe.”
Braude pointed to such a case: Yasser Abu Shabab, a local militia leader. “This is the first Anti-Hamas militia that pops up in a generation in Gaza. He is a local hunter from a Bedouin clan with family ties with Egyptian troops fighting in Sinai. He says he wants to invite civil servants to manage a board.”
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin meets President Donald Trump in the Oval Office of the White House on April 7, 2025. (Kevin Dietsch/Getty images)
But not everyone agrees that this is possible. “These groups are fragmented, displaced and lack the legitimacy or cohesion to rule,” said Al-Oomari. “You could use these militias to secure assistance in a specific area, but they cannot form the basis of governance.”
“Even now, figures such as Abu Shabab in Rafah or the Barbach family in Khan Younis Randzaken are,” Milstein added. “Hamas still arranges most of the public space. Clans can offer localized solutions, but they are not coherent or legitimate alternative. Many are openly loyal to Hamas.”
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“Many say, until the Palestinians teach their children to love themselves more than they hate Israel, there will never be peace,” said Braude, “that is true. But whoever works to promote Palestinian leadership [that] Does this do? That is the challenge – and the chance – at the moment. “
