During Labor Day Weekend in 2025, Chicago underwent another wave of arms violence that left at least nine people dead and 52 injured. The victims include a wide range of ages, from the 18-year-old Morganiz, shot down in the Little Village district, into a 63-year-old man pulled lifeless from the Schartable harbor. Most of these shootings took place in predominantly black and Latino neighbors, but the public response to this massacre is considerably modest.
Activists and organizers, including Black Lives Matter, who mobilized national protests in 2020 after the death of George Floyd – who have stopped justice and systemic change in the name of black lives. They have not pronounced empathy or solidarity for the victims of violence.
Instead, the same activists have gathered the self-procedure of America-Zich in the streets of Chicago to protest against President Donald Trump’s proposal to use the National Guard to stop the violence.
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Mayor Brandon Johnson of Chicago collected these protesters against the idea, framed it as an infringement of local sovereignty and an appeal to historical complaints. He shouted: “Are you willing to defend this country that was built by slaves, a country built by indigenous people?”
Mayor Brandon Johnson in Chicago has gathered demonstrators against the use of the National Guard, and calls it a violation of local sovereignty and an appeal to historical grievances. (Getty Image/ Kamil Krazaczynski)
As filmmaker Eli Steele noted in his position on X: “After the Labor Day Carnage in Chicago, @chicagomayor chooses racial politics as his power as his power. This is the problem: the power of Race only rewards the operator and no Real-World problems.
Steele’s criticism points to a deeper issue: the prioritization of racial stories over pragmatic solutions. This selective indignation is not new. In the summer of 2020, the death of Floyd led by a white police officer on widespread activism, with millions under the banner who proclaimed ‘Black Lives Matter’. But when violence claims that black lives due to other blacks, the silence is deafening.
Data from the Chicago police consistently show that more than 80% of the victims of murder cases and perpetrators in the city are black. The difference in reaction, as Steele implies, stems from the racial dynamics in the game: one scenario fits a story of systemic oppression by white authority, while the other does not.
Our leaders left Chicago. Trump is right: it’s time to call in the guardian
One of the reasons why I launched my walk through America was to combat this disturbing alliance of black elites and white liberals that have done nothing but have used racial identities for political power. We have been doing this since the era of the civil rights of the sixties.
How long will we postpone to the power of race about ideology?
How many more dead bodies will we see?
The only answer for us is to live in reality, to see things as they really are.
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I don’t like the idea of ​​federal intervention in Chicago because I am a real conservative for small government. But when a mother of a dead child asks me: “When does all this murder go on?” I am tired of telling her that it will happen one day.
I am extremely proud of the work that my project Hood Violence Impact team has done on the street in my South Side district, but I have known for a long time that one dead is too much.
If it is the intervention of a military force in the neighborhood and, more importantly, arrest the criminals, then it is. The much worse option is to listen to Mayor Johnson, Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker and the protesters on the street whose constant inactivity in favor of racial game will only lead to more dead.
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We can no longer afford the greed of black political elites or the delusions of white liberals. Residents of Chicago, from Little Village to Bronzeville, earn solutions based on facts and reality, not rhetoric.
Concludes the criminals – and only then can the city go further than during the weekend from tragedy to a safer future for everyone.
Click here to Van Pastor Corey Brooks
