Republicans have not started the redistricting fight this decade. But we have to finish it.
Traditionally, states only redraw their districts after the decennial census. In 2022 and again in 2024, Democrats fired the first salvos by storming New York, ultimately flipping four Republican seats in the Empire State.
Texas responded in 2025, redistributing a gain from two to five seats for the Republican Party. There was a howl from Democrats — and much of the country’s left-wing media — claiming that President Trump and Republicans had started a redistricting war and questioned its legality. Fortunately, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled Texas’ move constitutional, with Justice Alito noting that the motivation was “partisan advantage pure and simple.”
VIRGINIA DEM ADMITS PUSH GOALS ARE REDESIGNED TO ‘STOP TRUMP’, NOT ABOUT ‘FAIRNESS’
After all, despite significant Republican minorities, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Vermont, Hawaii and Delaware all send zero Republicans to Congress.
Democrats only seem to hate gerrymandering when Republicans do it.
Last year, Indiana’s Republican majority rejected redistricting — a move that could have yielded two additional Republican House seats. Perhaps they believed they were setting a noble, bipartisan example.
Virginia blew that theory out of the tidewater.
The Old Dominion currently sends six Democrats and five Republicans to the House of Representatives. New lines have cut into five districts in the Washington DC area, threatening to eliminate four of the five Republican seats.
“The Democrats didn’t step back. We fought back,” crowed House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries. If Republicans stick to a cautious playbook, Virginia’s gamble will likely give Democrats the House of Representatives in November.
Think about that. A Democratic-controlled House means more impeachments, more sham investigations, more government shutdowns and two years of gridlock to wrap up President Trump’s presidency.
Strong Republicans are not rolling over after the loss in Virginia.
Florida is expected to redraw its map, switching between two and five seats this cycle.
Now that the U.S. Supreme Court has declared race-based gerrymandering unconstitutional in Louisiana v. Callais, as many as 15 seats could go to the Republican Party – if Republican-led states actually take action.
Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina and Tennessee could all maximize their Republican representation. Louisiana, Florida, Georgia, Missouri, North Carolina and Texas could each turn deeper red.
Our own state of Alabama – which voted for President Trump by 65% ​​in 2024 – should actually send an all-Republican delegation to Washington.
Now that the court has ruled, Alabama’s attorney general and secretary of state must file a motion to vacate the federal district court order, which was on the current map until 2030. The argument is simple: the order was issued under a legal framework that no longer exists, making its continued enforcement unjust.
A quick lifting of that order would allow the governor to call a special session for redistricting. Both chambers must approve a new map — a process Alabama completed in one week in 2021 — before the governor signs it into law. Because the regular primary filing deadline has passed, the Legislature must simultaneously approve a special election for Congress in which the candidates will be newly eligible. New nominees must be certified by the Secretary of State by August 24 to appear on the ballot for the November general election.
In a country where only 20 seats in the House of Representatives are truly competitive, two more Alabama Republicans could mean the difference between gridlock and advancing President Trump’s agenda.
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If Republicans do nothing now while we control the White House, the Senate, the House, and the conservative majority of the Supreme Court, we risk being voted into the minority for a decade or more.
We owe it to the nation to lead
Morgan Murphy is running for Alabama’s 7th Congressional District.
